It is important that the leadership of our struggle come from among our own people, just as it is crucial that we build the necessary machinery that will develop this
leadership. The problem of leadership has always been a vexing one for Black people.
We must break with the old style of leadership forced upon us by the prevailing class
standards or we will fail in our struggle. Nonetheless, leadership is important,
especially to Black people, and without it we will never triumph in our struggle.
It is past time that Black intellectuals, professionals, and so-called Black scholars assumed a more active role in the leadership of the liberation struggle, instead of
laying back theorizing and writing essays in a vacuum, or in various Black bourgeois
publications.
We realize that many of our Black scholars have their minds in pawn to the ruling class, we are not primarily addressing ourselves to these particular individuals, but to those
brothers and sisters who have a relatively high level of awareness (political) and to
those Black intellectuals who are anti imperialist, anti capitalist) and pro Black
liberation. It is these Black intellectuals who must assume new positions of leadership
in our struggle by helping to build the necessary revolutionary apparatus that will forge
total liberation.
On the armed front it is these intellectuals who must become the political leadership and work in creating a far reaching and effective apparatus. Our struggle for Black
liberation is a revolutionary struggle, for it implies the transformation of the whole of
American society if it is to succeed, and Black intellectuals have a clear obligation to
this process. We have seen how the capitalist state uses its intellectuals and
institutions of "higher education" In order to continue, its exploitive policies) and we as
a people must utilize our professionals and intellectuals in the total process of
liberation and destruction of capitalistic society. Our principled call for a national Black revolutionary front will never become a reality without such leadership of Black
intellectuals with concrete and clear revolutionary politics. The B.L.A. will never
subordinate itself to such a front unless leadership of this caliber is evident. Our
intellectuals must make a firm commitment to improving the quality of our struggle on
all fronts, military, mass front, electoral politics, legal front, etc. For us the creation of a
revolutionary front and its military arm are worthy tasks for our intellectuals to pursue in
the revolutionary process. There can be no struggle without sacrifice, and our Black
intellectuals must begin to apply this principle to themselves as well as others.
It is clear to us that the so-called lumpen class cannot carry our liberation struggle forward on its own. This is because of their class nature: undisciplined, dogmatic, and
easily prone to diversion. This class however will supply some of the most dedicated
comrades to the struggle. 'But we must clarify our view of the lumpen class as a whole.
The traditional concept of lumpen as a category of the lowest social strata in an
industrialized society, unemployed, etc., is a description that fits not only brothers and
sisters that hang out in the street all day long and survive in that fashion, but it also fits
a great segment of Black people who are marginally employed and who for various
socio-economic reasons think essentially the same as the classical "lumpen."
Therefore, we must make a clear distinction between the economic definition of
lumpen (the relationship of that class to the means of production) and the attitudinal,
behavioral definition which can readily apply to a larger proportion of our people. When
we use the term lumpen, we are using the broad definition.
The unemployment rate among Black people is a little over twice that of the white population, placing it roughly at 20%. This to us is still a conservative estimate. But if
we consider the population ratio of Blacks to whites, such a high rate of unemployment
represents a considerable number of the total amount of Black people. Therefore, in
strictly social terms, the lumpen class represents a very large segment of the Black
population, a segment who in our estimation will be the first to grasp the realities of
capitalist repression. This as it may be, we still realize the limitations of this class in
moving our struggle forward, their class tendencies make them ideal targets of the
enemy, as agents, infiltrators, as well as some of these same tendencies contribute to
making the lumpen class staunch comrades in struggle. When we realize the real
limitations of this class, we as a movement will begin to create a more dynamic
revolutionary process.
The Black bourgeoisie (from which most Black intellectuals, professionals, come) cannot by themselves lead our struggle, not because they are incapable of leadership
but because their class nature is more reactionary than revolutionary. The tendency to
vacillate, compromise with the ruling class enemy, opportunism, and lack of
commitment to any revolutionary principles, are typical traits of this class. It is from this
class that the enemy has drawn the majority of so-called "endorsed" spokesmen, and
it is this class from which the majority of poverty pimps spring forth.
But this class can supply the movement with some dynamic leadership as well as devoted comrades. Those truly progressive elements of the Black bourgeoisie that
can be won over to the side of the liberation struggle should be focused on by the
movement and principally dealt with. The failure of the liberation movement to put the
Black bourgeoisie principally against the wall is inexcusable. For if the people are to
understand the impotency of our bourgeoisie, its opportunism, and the role they are
made to play in maintaining our collective oppression, the movement as a whole must
create conditions that will lead to such an understanding.
We have witnessed the ruling class crisis of Watergate, and the division it has caused within the ruling circles. This division was essentially based on repairing the body
politic of capitalist rule. The "crisis of confidence in government" was a crisis for the
ruling economical circles, for they had to not only restore "faith" in their system of rule
(political system) but they also had to find a political front man upon which they all could
agree, and in whom the masses would have some degree of confidence. Yet the
revelations of Watergate (which were essentially of a political nature dealing with the
ruling class parties) had profound implications for our struggle. It hinted at the extent to
which our movement has and is repressed by the reactionary government. An ideal
opportunity existed for the movement as a whole to put our so-called "elected leaders"
of the Black bourgeoisie against the wall. But the movement never seized the
opportunity presented. No consistent widespread call was put to Black politicians to
conduct a unilateral investigation into the government repression of the Black liberation
struggle, and into political espionage against the Black movement. Such a demand
could have revealed glaring repression (and thereby weaken the mental residual belief
in our oppressors' "fair" system) or as was more likely, the real impotency of our Black
elected officials would have been clearly revealed (thereby weakening the confidence
in bourgeois electoral politics to effect change). Of course no such widespread call
was made, and therefore no such result. It is this lack of practical class struggle that
inhibits the growth of the mass front. The Black bourgeoisie must be put into objective
conditions that can benefit our struggle, or enhance the people's awareness as to what
they are "truly about. Only in this way can those progressive elements within their ranks
come to the fore.
The majority of Black people are workers and as such suffer all the exploitation of the working class in a capitalist society. In addition to this, however, Black workers suffer
the vicious effect of institutionalized racism. Black workers are the lowest paid, the
most marginally employed, and the most economically insecure. The impact of
technology will further erode -the employ-ability of the Black worker, for in the majority
of cases the educational background of Black workers are lower than their white
counterparts. Education for Blacks has always been another method of programming
Black people into the lowest strata of capitalist society insuring generations of
exploitable and marginal labor.
We view the Black working class as the basis for the success of our struggle, not because of its political consciousness (which is still very low) and not because of its
class nature (more disciplined, industrious), but because of its sheer numbers and
because of its economic role in the Black community. We do not think that Black
workers' relationship to the productive forces of this society is essentially different from
any other class of Blacks due to racism. Although there are some differences there
seem to be no essential differences. Black folks in total suffer the same relationship to
capitalist productive forces, some more so than others, but all essentially the same.
Just as we have made a distinction between the purely economic definition of the lumpen and the attitudinal definition of the lumpen, we are forced to make a similar
distinction between bourgeois attitudes and working class attitudes. All those who
must work are workers, but all workers are not of the working class. Such as police
and prison guards who serve a reactionary class function, or those that work, yet
maintain the upper middle class behavioral patterns and attitudes.
We therefore define the working class (and bourgeoisie) not solely on their economic relationship to the productive forces, but also on how they view themselves and society
and behave as a result. Thus the Black bourgeoisie is a sham bourgeoisie, for it has
no real economic base (in comparison to white capital) but its attitudes are real and
strongly affect their class character. The Black working class has the economical basis
of a working class, but many of them have the mentality of the sham bourgeoisie, which
effects their social response to certain class ideas. Thus you have a Black family that
can barely make ends meet with all the ideas of the Black bourgeoisie, "putting their
daughter through school society," attending "cocktail sips," etc. Nonetheless, we
perceive the Black working class as the socioeconomic basis of Black liberation.
The Black working class, like any other unconscious working class has no
revolutionary identity at best, no consciousness of itself as a revolutionary class. To
move the enemy is to move the working class, for the enemy is the factor that
determines our relationship to each other. This can only be done through active
struggle on all fronts, it is the sum total of this process that brings about revolutionary
conditions, not the parts in and by themselves.
We can then say that the leadership 'of the Black liberation struggle will come from the most advanced elements within each class of the Black population, and because of
the objective conditions certain classes will gravitate toward particular fronts of
struggle more so than others, and it is on these particular fronts of struggle that
leadership will be developed, culminating in some form of collective leadership for the
entire movement (as conditions dictate such unity for mutual survival). We already see
this trend in the movement today. However, the basis of the movement will increasingly
depend on the Black working class and its ability to perceive the nature of capitalism,
racism, and the politics of these twin evils as they relate to our survival as a people.
The primary factor in developing such a consciousness is the enemy, is increasing
crisis, and social reaction to his dilemma. Therefore we must increase his problems a
thousand fold, while building our capacity to struggle. Yet we do not see the Black
bourgeoisie as the primary class leading the masses of Black people into a higher
degree of revolutionary consciousness. Experience has taught us that the Black
bourgeoisie as a class has certain ideological tendencies. It is these tendencies if not
curbed, that limit the revolutionary potential of this class of Blacks. The era of civil
rights, has shown us that any thrust of our liberation struggle primarily led by this class
will never exceed the bourgeois goals of the class itself. Such being the case, the
racist ruling circles have always found it more "acceptable" to concede to Black
bourgeois demands and thereby diffuse any revolutionary movement among the
masses of Blacks who are not yet conscious of their revolutionary potential. The racist
oppressor has a natural ally in the Black bourgeoisie, because this class above all is
the most opportunist.
We still hold fast to the premise that the Black bourgeoisie in the U.S. is essentially a colonial type bourgeoisie, that at one moment supports the legitimate aspirations of
the "colony" (for its own bourgeois ends) and at other moments opposes these
aspirations when their bourgeois leadership position is threatened. The history of the
reformist civil rights phase of the Black liberation struggle proves "this beyond a doubt.
Recognition of these tendencies in this class of Blacks should not deter the
revolutionary segment of the movement from requiring of the Black bourgeoisie certain
responsibilities, namely, that it is still their duty to build a movement that will lead in the
ultimate destruction of the capitalist state and self determination for Black people for
only under these conditions will our survival as a people (a free people) manifest itself. Considering our just given overview of the classes, and class nature of the Black
liberation struggle, we contend that if the Black working class is the basis for our
struggle succeeding, and that each of the primary categories of the Black population
will assume some leadership responsibilities in leading the struggle, the primary
category of Blacks that will constitute the dynamic revolutionary leadership of the
movement will be the Black students, and youth as well as those young Black adults
who have acquired the basics of professional training but have refused to continue in
the same narrow vein as their parents. The crucial element in developing this dynamic
potential is the training of this segment of the Black population. Our youth, students and
young fledgling professionals must be politicized more, involved in struggle, and
trained in the art of protracted war. Over half of the Black population is under the age of
30, and we as a movement must realize their true potential. For, if we don't, the enemy
surely will, and intensify their programs aimed at dehabilitating our young.
